Rep. Steve Cohen ended his reelection bid after Tennessee’s new congressional map split his Memphis-based seat into three Republican-leaning districts, leaving him without a clear path back to Congress.
Rep. Steve Cohen, the only Democrat in Tennessee’s congressional delegation, announced he would not file for reelection after the state dismantled the 9th District he had held for two decades. The new map, signed by Gov. Bill Lee on May 7, redistributed the deep-blue constituency into three Republican-tilting districts and left Cohen describing his options as nonexistent.
The redrawing follows the Supreme Court’s April 29 decision in Callais v. Louisiana, which struck down a majority-Black district in Louisiana as an unconstitutional racial gerrymander and narrowed federal protections under the Voting Rights Act. That ruling opened the door for Republican state leaders to revisit maps that had previously been defended on racial representation grounds.
With the filing deadline falling on a Friday, Cohen chose not to run in any of the newly drawn seats, effectively ending a congressional career that began in 2007. He had considered staying in the fight but concluded that the partisan math was stacked against him in every configuration drawn from his old district.
“I don’t want to quit. I’m not a quitter. But these districts were drawn to beat me.”
Speaking from his Washington office before filing closed, Cohen bluntly called the new lines a political hit job and said they bore no resemblance to the constituency he had served. He repeated that the new districts were “nothing like the 9th District that I’ve represented” and insisted flatly that “they’re not Memphis.”
Cohen filed a lawsuit challenging the map, but his legal challenge stalled when a federal judge denied a request to temporarily block the new boundaries just one day before the filing cutoff. That denial left the map in place for the Aug. 6 primary and removed any immediate judicial relief for Cohen and other Democrats who hoped to reverse the plan.
The Tennessee effort did not come in isolation. Republican leaders, including allies of former President Trump, have pushed a middecade redistricting strategy aimed at consolidating and expanding GOP control in the House. Similar moves have followed in other states where the Callais decision changed the legal calculus for race-conscious districting.
In practical terms, the result in Tennessee was immediate: the state’s single Democratic foothold evaporated. The 9th District had concentrated Democratic voters into a secure seat, and by dispersing that concentration across three GOP-leaning districts, the map diluted one long-standing source of Democratic representation in the state.
The scramble for the territory carved from Cohen’s old seat began almost at once. On the Democratic side, state Rep. Justin J. Pearson, state Sen. London Lamar, and activist DeVante Hill emerged as potential candidates, while Republicans including state Sen. Brent Taylor and state Rep. Todd Warner lined up to contest GOP-leaning districts.
Those matchups illustrate how quickly political incentives shift when lines change. Candidates who would have avoided a contest with a 10-term incumbent suddenly see opportunity in districts that were designed to be competitive or favorable to Republicans.
The stalled lawsuit raises hurdles for anyone seeking to reverse the change; courts are typically cautious about altering maps once candidates have filed and elections are underway. Even if the legal fight proceeds, the combination of an adverse preliminary ruling and passed filing deadlines weakens Democratic chances of undoing the rearrangement before primary ballots are set.
Republicans argue the maps simply reflect the state’s political reality and use the Court’s Callais precedent as justification for redrawing lines. From that perspective, removing a map that packed opposition voters into a single district is legitimacy, not theft, and it returns representation to align more closely with statewide political preferences.
Democrats see the move differently, describing it as a deliberate power grab that ended Tennessee’s lone Democratic seat. Either way, the result is that Tennessee now sends no Democrats to Congress, and the state’s Republican supermajority has achieved the practical outcome long sought by its legislators.
Cohen’s exit underscores a broader lesson for parties that rely on maps rather than broad voter appeal: legal and judicial shifts can change the terrain overnight. He leaves after 10 terms not because his relationship with voters was rejected at the ballot box but because the lines that sustained his seat were redrawn in a way that made his path back to Washington unworkable.
